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As Europe eyes Africa’s gas reserves, environmentalists sound the alarm – Mongabay

In the wake of an energy crisis caused by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, European countries are turning to Africa for its natural gas reserves.The move is a turnaround from recent years, when many of the same countries vowed to stop financing fossil fuel projects on the continent.Some African heads of state, along with their allies in industry, have welcomed the change, saying gas extraction will help finance the transition to renewables.But environmental advocates on the continent are pushing back, saying that a new era of fossil fuel extraction will create more misery and harm the climate. It was a victory for African climate campaigners and their allies in Europe and the United States: a group of powerful countries and institutions including the U.S., Canada and the European Investment Bank announced at last year’s COP26 climate summit in Glasgow, Scotland, that they would end decades of support for oil and gas projects in Africa by the end of 2022. Coming on the heels of a World Bank commitment to start phasing out support for fossil fuels, it looked like a potential death knell for plans to exploit vast quantities of natural gas in Senegal, Mozambique and Nigeria.
And then Russia invaded Ukraine.
In the span of less than a year, gas projects in Africa have come back in style, as European countries scramble to make up for energy shortfalls caused by their standoff with Russia. In late May, for example, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz traveled to Senegal for talks with President Macky Sall over his interest in securing a steady supply of gas from the country’s BP-backed offshore fields. And on Aug. 16, Reuters reported that the EU plans to significantly ramp up security assistance for Mozambique’s troubled Cabo Delgado gas project, which in recent years has been the site of a deadly Islamist insurgency and at one point not long ago was thought to be on life support.
To some African governments, the turnaround is welcome, representing a needed course correction away from climate restrictions that threatened to block their plans to use gas reserves for economic development and boosting energy access for the poor. In a speech at Glasgow last year, Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari criticized the COP26 announcement, and earlier this year in an op-ed for The Economist his vice president, Yemi Osinbajo, wrote that Africa “cannot accept regressive climate policy as another injustice.”
Nigeria has the continent’s largest proven natural gas reserves, followed by Algeria, Senegal, Mozambique and Egypt. All are advocates for the use of natural gas as a “transition fuel,” which their leaders say will facilitate economic development and help smooth the way for investment into renewables like solar, wind and hydropower.
The needs are clear: access to energy in Africa is far lower than in other regions. More than 600 million of the continent’s 1.3 billion people live without electricity, and despite having only one-tenth the overall population, in 2019 Japan alone consumed more power than all African countries combined did.
But as their presidents ink deals behind closed doors, civil society organizations on the continent are pushing back, most recently at the African Union, where an “African Common Position on Energy Access and Transition” calling for natural gas to be part of Africa’s energy strategy was adopted by the AU’s Executive Council. In an open letter, a coalition of advocacy groups said the position was “dangerous and short-sighted.”
“It makes zero sense to pursue new oil and gas extraction, which will make the climate crisis worse and make achieving climate goals impossible,” said Thandile Chinyavanhu, a climate and energy campaigner with Greenpeace Africa. “The future is renewable, and African countries have the opportunity to lead the world into a new future powered by renewable energy, leaving dirty fossil fuels in the past and in the ground.”
A rendition of plans for onshore LNG infrastructure in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique, planned for construction by France’s TotalEnergies.
A detailed memo accompanying the letter criticized efforts to expand gas production, saying that additional fossil fuel extraction risked worsening the impacts of climate change in Africa and that profits were likely to again be captured primarily by foreign investors. The memo cited the continent’s decades-long track record of failing to develop through oil and gas extraction, describing it as “enabling small powerful elites to extract rents and maintain economic and political control, while their populations lack access to energy, food and other essential services and remain impoverished.”
“We’ve seen this in Nigeria and African countries with fossil fuel projects,” said Lorraine Chiponda, coordinator of the Africa Coal Network, one of the letter’s signatories. “You can see the poverty that even the communities that live in the same areas are suffering from, so it still doesn’t make economic sense.”
The letter’s authors criticized the idea that gas could be a bridge to a renewable energy grid. It was more likely, they wrote, that infrastructure like pipelines and gas-fired power plants would suck finance and attention away from green energy.
Some supporters of gas projects in Africa acknowledge the poor track record of natural resource extraction on the continent. In Mozambique, for example, the discovery of large offshore gas reserves was followed almost immediately by a massive corruption scandal that implicated senior officials as well as European bankers.
But analysts like Imad Ahmed, an energy and climate adviser at the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change, say that, with the right approach, those prior scandals could inform stronger policies that ensure foreign investors pay their fair share and avoid damaging the environment.
“By remaining financiers of gas development, OECD nations can ensure that these good governance structures are embedded into contractual obligations,” Ahmed told Mongabay.
Supporters of gas extraction point out that African countries are among the lowest per-capita carbon emitters on the planet, and that expecting them to forgo the use of their natural resources to clean up a mess made largely by former colonial powers is inherently hypocritical.
“The prosperity we experience in Europe is on the back of historic emissions. You can’t pretend that it isn’t,” Ahmed said.
Environmental advocates agree, but they say that the appropriate restitution would be for wealthier countries to provide the support and finance for the transition to renewables — as they have promised to do in the past — rather than doubling down on their history of exploiting the continent’s resources for their own gain.
“Even before the climate crisis, many communities and civil society groups in Africa and around the world were fighting fossil fuel exploration due to its impacts on people’s livelihoods and the increased poverty, human rights violations, land grabbing, and corruption it brings,” said Anabela Lemos, founder of Mozambique’s Justiça Ambiental.
Last year, Shell agreed to pay more than $100 million in damages for spilling vast quantities of oil in the Niger Delta during the 1970s.
Whether or not wealthy countries owe African countries compensation for climate change is likely to be a contentious issue at November’s COP27 climate summit, which will be held in Egypt. The G7 group of richest countries managed to keep the issue of “loss and damage” off their agenda at initial talks in Germany held in June, but most observers expect it to take center stage at COP27.
For many influential heads of state and business leaders in Africa, the reluctance of rich countries to provide adequate climate funding to their less well-off counterparts is itself an argument in favor of exploiting the continent’s gas reserves.
“Denying Africa’s right to develop and use its own gas is morally unacceptable,” said the Sudanese-British billionaire Mo Ibrahim earlier this year.
Despite their relative lack of resources and power, though, African environmentalists aren’t going down without a fight. In the wake of the controversy over the AU’s proposed pro-gas stance, the lead negotiators set to represent the continent at COP27 said they would not adopt it as their official position. It was a victory for the anti-gas coalition, but advocates say if Europe stays on its current course, it could usher in a new era of fossil fuel extraction in Africa — and make a green transition that much harder.
“For now the decision has been rejected, but it doesn’t mean that individual governments in Africa aren’t signing deals with governments in Europe,” Chiponda said. “So we have to continue pushing back on that.”
Banner image: German Chancellor Olaf Scholz visits with South African President Cyril Ramaphosa in May 2022. Photo by Steffen Kugler for Die Bundesregierung.

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Global community urged not to let Ukraine crisis affect support for African nations

ISTANBUL The international community has been urged to ensure that the fallout from the Ukraine crisis should not have an impact on global support for African nations.A joint statement released after a meeting of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation on Thursday held virtually and addressed by China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi, urged the international community to “actively help African countries address food security, climate change, energy crisis and other global issues.”Expressing support for a peaceful negotiation between Russia and Ukraine, the statement called on the international community not to “level down support and input to Africa because of the Ukraine issue.”Russia launched a war on Ukraine in February of this year, resulting in hundreds of deaths on both sides and millions fleeing the country, affecting global supply chains, especially energy and food supplies.However, thanks to the efforts of Türkiye and the UN, a grain corridor with a coordination center in Istanbul has been established, allowing food supplies from Ukraine and Russia to reach the rest of the world.“The two sides urge the international community to take seriously Africa’s concerns on expanding development financing and promoting economic recovery, accelerate the channeling of Special Drawing Rights, in a bid to help Africa achieve independent and sustainable development,” the statement said.Wang told the forum that China supports the African side in implementing the “Silencing the Guns” initiative as the two sides noted that the world is facing growing security challenges, condemning all forms of terrorism and violent extremism.Reciprocal supportReaffirming their commitment to the principle of non-interference in internal affairs, the Chinese side urged the international community to “provide financial and technical support to counter-terrorism operations led by Africa in accordance with the mechanisms of the African Peace and Security Architecture.”Expressing support to uphold the purposes and principles of the UN-centered international system, the statement urged upholding “equality among all countries regardless of their size, strength and wealth.”Without mentioning any country, the two sides opposed unilateralism, power politics, racial discrimination, the formation of opposing blocs, and division and confrontation.The statement reaffirmed their mutual support for territorial integrity, sovereignty, security, and development interests, saying “there is but one China in the world … Taiwan is an inalienable part of China’s territory, and the government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government representing the whole of China.”“The African side reaffirms its commitment to the one-China principle, and its support for China’s national reunification and China’s efforts to safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity,” it added.China and African nations also said they will continue to fight COVID-19 with “solidarity, deepen practical cooperation, promote green development, uphold equity and justice.”According to the statement, the two sides will synergize China’s multi-billion-dollar Belt and Road Initiative, the Global Development Initiative with the African Union’s Agenda 2063, and national development strategies of African countries, “in order to elevate China-Africa cooperation to higher levels.”​​​​​​​

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African art: One London museum’s agreement to return colonial artefacts could open the … – iNews

In April 1897, Frederick Horniman, at the time Britain’s wealthiest tea trader and an avid collector, was offered an opportunity he could not refuse. Through “established commercial sources and private collections” he acquired 12 items of what was referred to as “Benin material” for the modest sum of £30. Horniman, a Quaker whose parents had been part of the anti-slavery movement and who as a Liberal MP campaigned for what became the welfare state, had become almost certainly the first person in Britain to purchase items stolen barely weeks earlier from Benin City in an 18-day rampage by 5,000 British troops sent to sack one of West Africa’s foremost civilisations. Upon its return to the UK, the booty from the openly punitive raid was sold, both officially by the Foreign Office to recover the cost of the military operation, and unofficially by the troops themselves, a number of whom had been sufficiently comfortable with their looting in present-day Nigeria to be photographed beside their hauls. Gentleman aficionados such as Horniman would have been the subject of many offers from these “private collections” and in the next two years, the tea trader continued to acquire 60 more objects emptied from the Benin citadel, among them ornamental plaques telling stories of tribal history and a key to the palace of the Oba, or king. Worth millions but acquired for the equivalent of a few thousand pounds of modern money, these “Benin bronzes” were put on display among thousands of other artefacts in Horniman’s palatial home in the plush south London suburb of Forest Hill. Shortly after 1901 a purpose-built museum on the site was bequeathed by the magnate to the then London County Council for the “recreation, instruction and enjoyment” of the capital’s populace. Horniman’s goal, as he saw it, of “bringing the world” to a suburban corner of the British empire’s capital was complete. A century or so later, the museum’s trustees, required to oversee and shape Horniman’s increasingly thorny legacy, this week recorded another first in his name. More on British MuseumAfter a two-year process of consultation and evaluation, it was announced that the 72 Benin bronzes are to be returned to Nigeria, making the Horniman the first major museum directly funded by the Department for Culture, Media and Sport to undertake such a large-scale act of restitution of colonial-era plunder. The pledge to return the items was made all the more significant by the unvarnished recognition of wrongdoing that accompanied it. Eve Salomon, chair of the Horniman’s trustees said: “The evidence is very clear that these objects were acquired through force… It is both moral and appropriate to return their ownership to Nigeria.” Other British institutions have previously undertaken smaller returns of Benin artefacts, led by Aberdeen University and Jesus College, Cambridge last year. But there is a growing view that the Horniman Museum’s decision – alongside a similar announcement last week by Oxford and Cambridge universities to seek the return of 200 items to Nigeria – is a watershed moment in a restitution campaign which has seen the slow erosion of a decades-long refusal by cultural institutions (the UK holdings of Benin bronzes are held by 150 separate bodies) to contemplate the surrender of ill-gotten gains. It is a fact which bears repetition that nearly 90 per cent of major African works of art and artefacts are held outside Africa, most of them in Europe.

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DW News Africa with Tomi Oladipo, 29 July 2022

Zimbabwe introduces shiny new gold coins in a bid to tame soaring inflation, DW News Africa asks how this unusual measure is meant to work, and explores its chances of success. And: We hear from people in Ghana, who are suffering from soaring prices. The country is taking desperate measures, but at what cost? Plus: We visit the South African town where taps have run dry

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West Africa bloc chair says Guinea accepts two-year transition | Military News | Al Jazeera

In July, bloc leaders met in Accra, Ghana to discuss transitions to civilian rule in Guinea, Mali and Burkina Faso.The chair of the West African regional bloc has said Guinea will cut the timeline of its planned transition to civilian rule from three to two years.
Speaking alongside French President Emmanuel Macron at a media briefing in Bissau, Guinea-Bissau President Umaro Sissoco Embalo, who is chair of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), said he had recently convinced Guinea’s military government to shorten its timeline.
“I was in Conakry with the president of the commission (of ECOWAS) to make the military junta understand the decision of the summit of heads of state that the transition cannot exceed 24 months”, Embalo said.
“They had proposed 36 months, but we succeeded in convincing them,” he added.
Ousmane Gaoual Diallo, a Guinean minister and spokesman for the transitional government, told AFP that “neither the government nor the presidency confirm this information about the duration of the transition in Guinea”.
An ECOWAS official told AFP on condition of anonymity: “The principle is accepted but we were waiting to formalise it … before announcing it.”
Last September, soldiers led by Colonel Mamady Doumbouya overthrew President Alpha Conde and in May, the military pledged to hand over power to elected civilians within three years.
But regional powers rejected this timeline, with ECOWAS suspending Guinea after the coup.
Last week, West African mediators met Guinea’s ruling military government for talks on a return to civilian rule, according to ECOWAS and state media. Embalo, Gambian diplomat Omar Alieu Touray, who is the president of the ECOWAS commission, and Benin’s former president Thomas Boni Yayi, the ECOWAS mediator for Guinea, were all present.
Earlier in July, ECOWAS leaders had met in Ghana’s capital Accra to discuss transitions to civilian rule in Guinea, as well as Mali and Burkina Faso, which together have undergone four coups since August 2020.
They lifted tough sanctions that had been imposed on Mali’s military regime, accepting a March 2024 return to civilian rule.
And they agreed to allow Burkina Faso two years for its transition back to democracy.
But discussions until then had been trickier with the rulers of Guinea, where the government had announced a 36-month transition – a period that African Union chairman and Senegalese President Macky Sall described as “unthinkable”.
On Thursday, protests against Guinea’s military leaders brought Conakry to a standstill.
The National Front for the Defence of the Constitution (FNDC), a coalition of political parties, trade unions and civil society organisations, called the demonstrations to denounce the government’s “unilateral management” of any return to civilian rule.
Other parties and coalitions joined the protests.
In May, the government banned public demonstrations, and Thursday’s protests led to sporadic clashes between demonstrators and police.

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Presidents Ramaphosa and Ouattara ‘pleased’ to see Ukrainian grains deal signed

The President of Ivory Coast, Alassane Ouattara, visited South Africa on Friday.
Outtara was welcomed by his South African counterpart, President Cyril Ramaphosa in the capital, Pretoria.
The visit coincided with a UN and Turkey-brokered agreement to allow Ukraine and Russia to export grain and fertilizers. 

“It has taken much too long, in my view, because that conflict has put a stop to the import or exportat of grain, fertilizers and other foodstuffs like wheat to various other parts of the world. And we are therefore pleased. That this may indeed in the end become a reality. Would this be seen as signalling something that could amount to the end of that conflict? I would like to believe that, yes”, said South African President Cyril Ramaphosa. 
Referring to Mali, the Ivorian president rejected earlier suggestions that his country was interfering in its neighbour. 
The accusations were linked to the detention of a group of Ivorian soldiers accused of being mercenaries.
” Ivory Coast cannot afford to attempt to destabilize any country and especially not a neighboring country (such as Mali). And they are the same peoples, the same population. The relationships are close, are very close. We use the same currency, we use the same legal framework, etc. It (Mali) is a friendly country and brother and sister populations. Therefore, there isn’t any question about us engaging in any attempt to destabilize”, reassured Alassane Ouattara, President of Ivory Coast.
During the visit to South Africa, the two presidents signed a number of agreements and Ouattara addressed the South Africa – Ivory Coast Business Forum.

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Why Nigeria and other African countries are blocking cellphones | Fin24 – News24

This week, Nigeria blocked millions of its citizens – who haven’t linked their lines to their ID numbers – from making phone calls.Other government also want citizens to register their phones.But there’s a distrust by residents to hand over their details to the government.This Monday, millions of Nigerians woke up to find that they
had been barred from making phone calls. The number of disconnected lines is
reported to be as many as 75 million, more than a third of the total 198
million lines nationwide.But the move has been a long time coming.In December 2020, Abuja issued a directive for all SIM card
carriers to link their lines to a unique National Identity Number, citing a
need to tackle the plaguing insecurity in the country.That deadline was postponed numerous times but last week’s
attack on a train by armed groups was a wake-up call. When reports started
surfacing online that the attackers had started calling families of abducted
passengers for ransom, the government swung into action, fulfilling its almost two-year-old
promise to cut off non-compliant citizens.On social networks, many – especially southerners – are
debating the connection between SIM card linkage with the national identity
number and the actions of these groups, known locally as bandits, whose axes of
focus are swaths of the northwest and central Nigeria.In 2015, the Nigerian government fined MTN,
one of the continent’s biggest telecom players, US$5.2bn for defaulting in
cutting off unverified customers.The National Communications Commission (NCC) had previously
instructed the telecom giant to deactivate between 10 and 18.6 million
lines. But government swung into action after the high-profile kidnap of a
former Nigerian finance minister; police say the kidnappers used MTN lines to
contact his family members.ALSO READ | MTN must verify users in Nigeria by
year end or face blocked SIM cardsAcross the continent, there is a lengthening line of
governments embarking on a mass disconnection drive citing, among other things,
domestic security. In March, Zambia announced it had deactivated two million
SIMs cards to stem the volume of fraud carried out using mobile lines.Kenyan media have also reported an April 15 deadline by
authorities in the East African country for the deactivation of unregistered
SIM cards – the third such deadline in the past 10 years. In 2013, it switched
off more than two million SIM cards after an attck by the armed group
al-Shabab.Last year, Tanzania said it had blocked 18,000 SIM cards
involved in criminal activities. In a bid to also curtail mobile scams, Ghana
issued a directive for every SIM card carrier to re-register their SIMs with
the Ghana Card, the national residency card, or lose them.In faraway Hong Kong, a proposal from last year to
impose new restrictions on phone line registrations was approved this March.What are the issues?With Africa having a 44% mobile penetration rate, SIM cards
are one of the most ubiquitous technologies around.At least 50 of Africa’s 54 countries have mandatory SIM
registration laws in place, but most have barely been enforced – until now.
Registration usually involves the submission of personal data and the capture
of citizen biometrics.The rationale is that this registration will help create a
vast database to help track criminal activity. Officials say SIMs, accessible
even on the streets for sometimes as low as US$1 (~R14), are frequently bought
and discarded by suspected criminals, without any – or not enough – details of
their personal identity to trace and monitor them.”Since 9/11, in many countries, if you want to get a
SIM card, you have to show some [form of] identification,” Rebecca
Enonchong, Cameroonian tech entrepreneur and founder of AppsTech told Al
Jazeera. “It is rather normal that the government should require those who
are using cell services [to] register with the operators and the
telecommunication companies should know who is connected to their
services.”YOU MIGHT ALSO LIKE| OPINION | Yes, the regulator wants
mobile operators like Vodacom and MTN to store your biometricsOn the surface, this sounds like a quick and cheap solution
for many governments in a continent where most countries have no unified
operational national database.But multiple SIM ownership is prevalent across Africa for
many reasons including varying data prices, connectivity speeds and signal
strength. In 2018, four African countries were among the top 10 globally, with
dual or multi-SIM mobile phones. Kenya even once had plans to institute an
ownership cap of 10 SIM cards per person. Telecom operators also often tailor
registration processes in order to sell more prepaid SIM cards.Experts say the outcome is that the data gleaned from SIM
registrations are not as accurate or neat as they ought to be.”The ID systems [in Africa] are not really backed by
technology, there are no linkages, so there is no verification process,”
Enonchong said. “If the telecommunication companies themselves don’t
enforce that, it is really very hard for the government to make use of the
data.”How did we get here?At the root of it all is a mass unwillingness to register
SIM cards due to a seeming lack of distrust by residents to hand over their
details to the government.Unsurprisingly, there are concerns about data privacy and
the inestimable capacity of government to use data collected for one purpose
for another, given the historical intolerance for dissent in some of these
countries.There is also a legal void around government handling of
data.A 2021 report by Collaboration on International ICT Policy
for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA), claimed that only half of African
countries have adopted laws to protect personal data.Repeated registration exercises have also weakened the will
of the people, experts say.Over the years, Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country and
its economic powerhouse, has instituted multiple mandatory identity
registration schemes, including Bank Verification Number (BVN) and National
Identity Number (NIN), alongside more widespread IDs like voters’ cards,
international passports and others.Yet, the government is insisting that the way forward is for
every SIM card to be linked with an NIN, a policy that many Nigerians say will
be just as cumbersome and bureaucratic as its predecessors – and possibly end
up achieving nothing too.”This is a trend of policy laziness,” Gbenga
Sesan, head of Lagos-based digital rights advocacy nonprofit Paradigm Initiative,
told Al Jazeera. “The problem does not lie with the lack of a central
database; it is about impunity. If I know that if I commit a crime and I know I
would be punished for it, then I will likely think about it twice.”In Kenya, citizens are also complaining about the redundancy
of multiple registrations. The new registration warrants the submission of the
phone number, copy of passport or visa and biodata page, exit stamps and
scanned ID – items they claim to have submitted during the last exercise in 2018.The bigger fear, however, is of government surveillance
under the guise of national security, leading to a widespread reluctance to
willingly submit personal data which can be used to monitor their everyday
activities.”The issue of data privacy transcends Africa,” Ken
Ashigbey, the CEO of Ghana Telecommunications Chamber, noted. “The concern
about Big Brother sitting somewhere and using your data to spy on you is always
going to be there, [and] when you bring it into the examples of Africa where
our governments all seem to have total power, definitely there are risks,”
he said.The risks also extend to small and medium-scale enterprises
(SMEs) in a digital era where SIMs and the world of possibilities on the
internet are helping empower many in the absence of social welfare schemes.Already, SMEs account for 84% of employment and make up 96%
of businesses in Nigeria. Shutting millions of people out of seamless
communication could adversely affect the economy, Sesan warned.”What we are going to lose is roughly one-third or
about 35% of connected lines that we have [and] there will be major economic
consequences [but] there will be no gain in terms of security,” he said. Go to the Fin24 front page.Go to the Fin24 front page.

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African refugees see racial bias as US welcomes Ukrainians – WXYZ

(AP) — African refugees say the recent decision to grant refugee status and other humanitarian protections to Ukrainians fleeing war underscores the racial bias inherent in American immigration policy. Wilfred Tebah says he and other immigrants from Cameroon have long been deserving of similar humanitarian considerations. They also argue that Congo and Ethiopia should qualify because of their ongoing conflicts, as should Mauritania. The Department of Homeland Security said it continues “monitoring conditions in various countries.” President Joe Biden recently announced the U.S. would take in 100,000 Ukrainian refugees and grant Temporary Protected Status to another 30,000 already in the country.

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African countries respond to global inflation [Business Africa] | Africanews

In Africa, governments are stepping up their efforts to mitigate the impact of the Russia-Ukraine crisis on their citizens’ wallets. According to UNCTAD data, no less than 25 African countries import more than a third of their wheat from Russia and Ukraine; 15 import more than half and two countries, Benin and Somalia, import 100%. So how is Africa trying to limit the impacts of this crisis?
Ghana presents robust digital economyGhana has recently embarked on the transformation of several public services. An identity card serves as a biometric passport and tax identification number. In this way, the country intends to mobilise domestic revenue and prosecute all those who evade taxes before the end of the year. This digital policy, which affects all sectors, should be a response to financial exclusion and the predominance of the informal sector.
Burundi coffee sector struggles to reboundIn Burundi, coffee accounts for nearly 40% of export resources, and supports 8 million Burundians. With the failure of the privatisation of the sector, the state has been running the sector since 2019, but production figures remain low, dropping from 34,000 to 6,000 tonnes for the 2021-2022 growing season. Coffee growers’ discontent is growing, as well as the lack of traceability of all actors involved in the sector.

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